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The group has been co-hosting community meetings where nervous immigrants and eager, mobilized new volunteers can learn the basics of immigration law and how to protect their rights. They've also been pushing state and local officials to step up protections for immigrants. "The pressure for action will be felt more sharply on the local level," Newman said. "There are increasing expectations for mayors and governors and state lawmakers." Neil Aquino, 49, has high expectations for his local elected officials in Houston. Texas may be a solidly Republican state but its cities are increasingly Democratic and Aquino is writing all of Houston's elected Democrats demanding they step up and fight Trump. "I don't find the response from local Democrats is matching the anxiety people feel," said Aquino, an artist. Liz Merriweather is also contacting her elected officials, though they are Republicans. As part of a Women's March follow-up project she's writing postcards to her congressional representatives from Tennessee. She's waiting for more direction this is the 56-year-old therapist's first political activity. "Over the past eight years, I've kind of gotten complacent and felt things are in good hands and I can trust officials," she said.
The New Yorker also caught the wave of post-election subscriptions that a few other publications enjoyed: In November, the magazine sold a record 75,000 subscriptions, up 469 percent compared to the same month last year. The investment in the website is central to the future of the magazine, which will likely be increasingly supported by readers, Thompson said. The strategy, as with other news organizations, is to draw in subscribers gradually by getting them to sample New Yorker journalism with a metered paywall. "How do you get people who read two stories to read four?" Thompson asked, rhetorically. "And then to six? How do you get people to move down that funnel? What kind of content are they looking at? What kind of stories are they reading?
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